نوع مقاله : مقاله پژوهشی
نویسندگان
گروه زبان انگلیسی و زبانشناسی، دانشکده ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه رازی، کرمانشاه، ایران
چکیده
کلیدواژهها
عنوان مقاله [English]
نویسندگان [English]
In cases with Phonological opacity a process may unexpectedly fail to occur in an environment where its application is expected, or conversely, it may apply in an environment where its occurrence is not anticipated. In Kalhori Kurdish, although the progressive prefix lacks an overt phonological form, Fattahi (2023) identifies residual traces of this prefix as /t/ in the present tense forms of “bring” and “come”. However, in the data collected from the Gilan-e Gharb dialect of Kalhori Kurdish, this prefix appears as [ʧ], without a clear phonological motivation for the change in the verb forms. The forms [ʧæɾem] (“I bring”) and [ʧæm] (“I com”) raises the question of why the relict of this prefix has unexpectedly surfaced as an affricate with no apparent source of motivation. To investigate this phenomenon further, a 12-hour corpus of interviews with 15 native speakers of Kalhori Kurdish from this region was collected and analyzed. Adopting a descriptive-analytic approach and using rewrite rules, this study shows how the counter-bleeding of interaction of rules affects these verb forms. The study concludes that the relict /t/ undergoes partial assimilation, changing to [ʧ] before a glide, followed by the subsequent deletion of the glide in the next phonological process. This sequence of the changes explains the observed opacity in question. Also, the results support the claim of Kipasrky (1973), McCarthy (1999), and Kager (2006) providing additional evidence that processes involving counter-feeding and counter-bleeding interactions lead to surface opacity in phonological representations.
کلیدواژهها [English]
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